Punjab’s political memory doesn’t last long. Big hurts from the past – like the 2015 police firings at Behbal Kalan and Kotkapura, or old links to controversial dera chiefs – slowly fade away. People get busy with jobs, money problems, and dreams of moving abroad.
The sacrilege story that once badly damaged the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) was starting to lose its power, giving the party a chance to slowly come back from bad election results.
Some recent by-elections showed this change. In Tarn Taran, the SAD did well, suggesting voters were tired of hearing about old controversies. Even when radical voices got loud in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the Akalis – now down to just a few seats since 2022 – seemed ready to gain from everyone’s short memory.
Then Bhagwant Mann stepped in hard, turning a quiet issue into a big fight.
The Missing Saroops and a Long List of Complaints
The case of 328 missing saroops of the Guru Granth Sahib first came up in June 2020, when the Akalis were still in power. An Akal Takht probe committee, led by Advocate Ishar Singh, made a thick 1,100-page report. It found serious problems: saroops given out without proper records, money stolen, and bad bookkeeping that made finding more missing copies almost impossible. Even though the SGPC passed a resolution for tough action – including police cases – nothing much happened beyond firing some staff.
Activists say decisions were reversed to protect powerful people close to leaders like Sukhbir Singh Badal. There was also talk of 80 more saroops destroyed in a 2016 fire that was brushed aside.
This is not the only worry. Bhai Baldev Singh Wadala, from the Sikh Sadbhawna Dal and a former Hazuri Raagi at the Golden Temple, has pointed to other troubling things. In a recent interview, he said he personally video-recorded bricks with “Ram” written on them being placed under the Golden Temple area during 2022 repair work near the Akal Takht Jathedar’s house. He calls it part of a deep plan – so that years later, someone could claim the site was once a Hindu temple and weaken its Sikh identity. The SGPC denied it and stopped the work, but questions remain.
Wadala also reminded people of a Hindi book called Sikh Itihas printed around 2007 with the SGPC stamp. It used horrible words against the Gurus – calling Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji a thief, Guru Hargobind Ji a kidnapper, and Guru Gobind Singh Ji a coward. Copies were taken back after protests, but no one faced real punishment. These incidents – missing saroops, strange bricks, insulting books – show why many Sikhs no longer fully trust the SGPC.
The Fight That Forced the FIR
Bhai Baldev Singh Wadala has led this battle for over five years with protests, dharnas, and court cases. Along with farmer groups and other Sikh bodies, he went to the Punjab and Haryana High Court many times. The court ordered an FIR, but earlier governments dragged their feet. When nothing happened, Wadala filed a contempt case, leading to a notice against the Punjab DGP in October 2025. Finally, after a big protest in Amritsar on December 7, police registered an FIR under Section 295-A against 16 people, mostly old SGPC officials – including Roop Singh and accountant Satinder Singh Kohli (SS Kohli), seen as close to the Badal family.
Soon after, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) was set up. On December 29, Chief Minister Mann hit hard, asking if records were taken from SS Kohli (who also handles accounts for Sukhbir Badal) and saying the SGPC is protecting its own. Mann said the step came from demands by panthic groups and Sant Samaj – a duty to find the sacred texts and stop any more disrespect, maybe even linked to the 2015 cases.
SGPC Pushes Back – But the Law Says Otherwise
Many Sikhs are unhappy with the SGPC: family control, hidden finances, no reforms, and no elections since 2011. Mann’s government is using these feelings to demand open answers, backed by law.
SGPC chief Harjinder Singh Dhami promises to show “full facts” to the community. After a December 28 meeting of the five high priests, they warned the AAP government to stop “interfering in Sikh matters” or face panthic anger, calling the FIR a challenge to the Akal Takht. In press talks on December 30, Dhami said the SGPC already fired the 16 staff and the High Court agreed with their steps. He called it just money misuse by employees, not real sacrilege, and asked the government to drop the FIR, saying the state itself once told the court the SGPC can handle it internally.
But this “stay out” argument doesn’t fully hold. The Sikh Gurdwaras Act, 1925, gives the government clear roles. Section 115 says accounts must be audited every year by an auditor picked by the state government. Other sections demand proper records and action on problems. The Act was made after the Gurdwara Reform Movement to protect Sikh control – but also to make sure there is accountability. When holy texts go missing, the SGPC can’t just say “internal matter” and expect everyone to accept it.
What This Means for 2027
Mann’s move comes at a smart time. With rising debt, joblessness among youth, and farmer worries, plain governance promises may not be enough. By focusing on trust in Sikh bodies, he weakens the Akalis’ claim as the only true panthic voice – just when they hoped people would forget old mistakes.
For the Akalis, it’s dangerous ground. After the Badal era split, their image is weak. Protecting SGPC secrecy and opaqueness – especially around people like SS Kohli – could push away ordinary voters. Basically, it is renewal of the trust deficit in the SGPC and its working.
For AAP, it’s a clever play. By 2027, votes won’t come only from free power or cash schemes. Questions of identity, honesty, and moral strength will matter a lot. By supporting legal probes and listening to demand of Sikh masses, rather than a family run exclusive religious clergy club, Mann looks like a defender of sentiments without pretending to be a religious leader.