The political corridors of Punjab are once again abuzz with speculation about a possible reunion between the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Senior BJP leader and former Punjab BJP president Sunil Jakhar has been a vocal advocate for reviving this alliance. He argues that such a partnership is necessary not only to address the current political and social challenges facing Punjab but also to strengthen the position of certain communities in the state. Many factions within the Akali Dal, along with prominent leaders, have quietly indicated their support for this move.
The Akali Dal has been in steady decline since 2014, marked by internal splits and the defection of numerous leaders, former MLAs, and cadres to the BJP. These defections, combined with controversies surrounding the Jathedars of the Takhts and disputes linked to them, have weakened the party’s Panthic influence and eroded its political base. The damage to its reputation has been difficult to reverse, leaving the SAD searching for ways to regain its lost ground.
The origins of the formal Akali–BJP partnership date back to the mid-1990s, when the Akali Dal sought to expand beyond its traditional Panthic identity and position itself as a party for all Punjabis. The turning point came in 1995, when the SAD scored important victories in by-elections in Ajnala and Lambi during Congress rule. By the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the party allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and won eight of Punjab’s thirteen seats with 28.72% of the vote. That same year, its sweeping win in the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) elections cemented its dominance over both religious and political spheres in Punjab.
In 1997, a formal seat-sharing agreement was struck between the SAD and the BJP, heavily favouring the Akalis due to their stronger position at the time. Of the 117 Assembly seats, the SAD contested ninety-four while the BJP got twenty-three. For the thirteen Lok Sabha seats, the BJP took Amritsar, Gurdaspur, and Hoshiarpur, leaving the remaining ten for the SAD. This arrangement lasted more than two decades, during which the alliance contested five Assembly elections—winning three—and six Lok Sabha elections.
The SAD–BJP political relationship, however, predates 1997. In the late 1960s and 1970s, the Akali Dal formed coalition governments in Punjab with support from the Jana Sangh (the BJP’s predecessor) in 1967, 1969, and 1970. In 1977, the Janata Party, which included both the Akalis and the Jana Sangh, was part of Parkash Singh Badal’s government. Following the Janata Party’s split in 1980, the BJP was formed, but its early electoral fortunes in Punjab were modest. In the Assembly elections of 1980, 1985, and 1992, it managed only one, six, and six seats respectively, and in four Lok Sabha elections during that period, it failed to win any seats.
The 1997 Assembly elections marked a turning point. The BJP contested twenty-two seats and won eighteen, securing 8.33% of the vote, while the SAD won seventy-five seats with 37.6% of the vote. For the first time since independence, a non-Congress government in Punjab completed a full five-year term. In the 1998 Lok Sabha elections that followed, the SAD won eight seats while the BJP secured three, contributing to the NDA government at the Centre. In the 2002 Assembly elections, however, the alliance suffered a setback: the BJP won only three seats with 5.67% of the vote, while the SAD managed forty-one seats with 30.5%. Congress, under Amarinder Singh, returned to power. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the SAD once again won eight seats while the BJP retained its three.
The alliance rebounded in 2007, with the BJP winning nineteen seats—its best-ever tally—while the SAD won forty-nine seats, allowing Parkash Singh Badal to form the government once again. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, however, the BJP’s performance dipped, securing only one seat, while the SAD won four. In 2012, the coalition achieved a historic victory by winning re-election, breaking the long-standing trend of power changing hands every five years in Punjab. That year, the BJP won twelve seats with 7.13% of the vote, while the SAD won fifty-six with 37.75%.
However, the government’s policies and performance eroded public support, setting the stage for future defeats. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the SAD’s tally fell to four seats while the BJP improved slightly to two. The 2017 Assembly elections brought a sharp decline for both parties: the BJP was reduced to three seats with 5.4% of the vote, while the SAD won only fifteen seats with 25.2%, losing even the position of the official opposition. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP retained its two seats while the SAD slumped further to just two.
The final break in the partnership came in 2020–21 over the three contentious farm laws passed by the central government. Initially, the SAD supported the laws, but under intense pressure from the farmers’ agitation, it withdrew support for the legislation, exited the central government, and formally ended its alliance with the BJP.
Today, both parties face an uphill battle in Punjab’s changed political landscape, dominated by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and a resurgent Congress. Alone, neither the SAD nor the BJP commands the electoral clout they once did. A renewed alliance could potentially consolidate their respective voter bases—the SAD among rural Sikhs and the BJP among urban Hindus and trading communities. However, the risks are significant. The SAD risks alienating Panthic voters still angry over the BJP’s role in the farm laws, while the BJP must consider whether an alliance with a weakened SAD would meaningfully improve its standing.
For Sunil Jakhar and others, the alliance is a strategic necessity to survive and compete in Punjab’s evolving political arena. For critics, it is a gamble that could backfire on both sides. Whether history and political pragmatism can overcome the bitterness of recent years remains to be seen. The coming months will determine whether the Akali–BJP partnership becomes a renewed chapter in Punjab’s politics or remains part of its political history.