When a former Northern Army Commander recently took to social media to report that his car had been hit by the escort vehicle of a Punjab Police VVIP near Zirakpur, on the outskirts of Chandigarh, he was not merely complaining about a scratch on the fender. The prompt assurance from the DGP that the matter would be inquired into and corrective action taken was, of course, appropriate. But the incident points to a deeper discomfort: is Punjab— a State that has sent generations of its sons and daughters into uniform—according its ex-servicemen the respect and consideration they deserve once they return to civilian life?
The answer, unfortunately, is mixed at best. Nowhere is this more evident than in the way the State handles recruitment to government posts reserved for ex-servicemen and their families under statutory rules.
A Soldiering State with an Unfinished Obligation
Punjab is a small state in demographic terms, yet it consistently ranks near the top in the number of serving soldiers and ex-servicemen. Recent data placed before Parliament show that the state has well over 3.5 lakh ex-servicemen—giving it the second-highest veteran population in India despite accounting for barely 2 to 2.5 per cent of the country’s population. Punjab also has the highest number of soldiers’ widows among all states. This is not an abstract statistic; it is a living ledger of sacrifice, visible in villages where every street has a uniformed photograph framed on the wall and a pension book in the almirah. There is scarcely a village without at least one retired JCO, NCO or jawan, and too many homes have martyrs’ photographs garlanded in the drawing room. The presence of widows of soldiers and dependants of disabled personnel is equally prominent, especially in rural Punjab.
Recognising this historic contribution, Punjab framed a comparatively progressive reservation regime. The Punjab Recruitment of Ex-Servicemen Rules, 1982 provide for a substantial quota—13 to 14 per cent—in direct recruitment across almost all State services and posts, from Group A to Group D. Crucially, the rules also contain a humane proviso: if an ex-serviceman, with the requisite qualifications, is not available for a reserved vacancy, it must be offered to the wife or one dependent child. Later clarifications expand this to “lineal descendants”, explicitly including daughters, whether married or unmarried. Officers commissioned through the Short Service Commission are also eligible to be considered under this category.
On paper, then, the State’s obligation is unambiguous. It is not limited to the former soldier alone; it extends to the family that silently shares the burdens of service.
Law on Paper, Vacancies on the Ground
Yet when one examines actual recruitment, a troubling picture emerges. A substantial proportion of ex-servicemen quota posts remain unfilled year after year. In some departments, advertisements are issued without properly highlighting the ex-servicemen component; in others, vacancies are carried forward mechanically and then quietly “reverted” to the general category after a cycle or two on the plea that no suitable candidate was available.
This is not merely a technical lapse. It amounts to the State bureaucracy short-changing a class of citizens whom it has itself recognised as deserving of special protection. When ex-servicemen with the requisite qualifications are not available, the law requires that lineal descendants be considered. If neither ex-servicemen nor their dependants are able to apply because of poor dissemination of information, complicated procedures or indifferent implementation, the fault lies squarely with the administration.
In higher and specialised posts—college and university lecturers, technical and engineering services, professional cadres—the mismatch between rising qualification requirements and the support given to potential ex-servicemen candidates is even more stark. The law insists, rightly, that standards must be met. But the State makes very little systematic effort to help veterans or their children acquire those very qualifications.
Fragmented Processes, Diffused Responsibility
One core reason for this failure is the fragmentation of recruitment. Ex-servicemen vacancies are scattered across examinations conducted by the Punjab Public Service Commission, the Subordinate Services Selection Board, the police recruitment apparatus, educational institutions, corporations and boards. Each has its own schedules, formats and habits of compliance.
No single authority has a consolidated view of:
how many ex-servicemen posts exist in the sanctioned strength of each department,
how many have been advertised in a given year,
how many have actually been filled by ex-servicemen or their lineal descendants, and
how many have quietly lapsed.
The Directorate and district Sainik Welfare Offices do their best, but they are thinly staffed and over-burdened with welfare, pension and documentation issues. Monitoring dozens of recruitment processes across multiple departments, each with its own legal and procedural nuances, is simply beyond their present capacity.
A Dedicated Ex-Servicemen Recruitment Board
Punjab therefore needs a structural, not cosmetic, solution. The State should establish a dedicated Ex-Servicemen Recruitment Board, headed by a senior ex-serviceman of impeccable integrity, working outside the purview of the existing Public Service Commission and the Coordinated Services Selection Board, yet in close coordination with them.
Such a board could be given a clear and narrow mandate:
Single Nodal Authority: All departments would be required to route their ex-servicemen quota vacancies through this board. It would maintain an authentic, constantly updated inventory of all such posts in the State government and its instrumentalities.
Annual Recruitment Calendar: The board would draw up and publish a transparent annual calendar for filling ex-servicemen quota posts—grouped by level, department and nature of work—so that candidates and their families can plan, prepare and apply in an orderly fashion. No post should be allowed to lie vacant indefinitely.
Scrutiny and Compliance: While PPSC and the Subordinate Board may continue to conduct the main examinations, the ex-servicemen component in each recruitment must be vetted by the board: in advertisement, shortlisting, counselling and final appointment. Any attempt to revert quota posts to the general category without exhausting the statutory possibilities—including lineal descendants—should require the board’s concurrence.
Capacity Building and Bridging: The board should be mandated to work with universities, technical institutes and training providers to design bridging courses, credit transfers and targeted coaching for ex-servicemen and their children, particularly for competitive examinations and professional qualifications. This is not about lowering standards; it is about helping those who have already served the nation to meet those standards.
Data and Accountability: An annual report, tabled in the Vidhan Sabha, should detail the number of ex-servicemen vacancies notified, filled and lapsed, department-wise. Sunlight is the best disinfectant; once these figures are in the public domain, pressure for compliance will follow.
Guarding Against Exploitation in the Private Sector
While statutory recruitment to Punjab Government posts must remain the central plank of ex-servicemen employment policy, we cannot ignore what happens in the private sector. A very large number of ex-servicemen, particularly from the other ranks, are engaged as security guards and supervisors through private agencies. Too often they are made to work 12-hour shifts while being paid for eight hours, denied overtime, weekly rest and other legal entitlements. This is not rehabilitation; it is exploitation wearing a camouflage turban or cap.
Industry needs to recognise that employing ex-servicemen is not merely a cheap way of securing disciplined manpower. It carries with it a moral and social responsibility. Dedicated-purpose NGOs and veterans’ organisations should play a more active role in scrutinising private security contracts and placement practices, naming and shaming habitual defaulters. Whether Punjab Ex-Servicemen Corporation can, or should, be recast as the nodal agency for ethical placement and enforcement in the private security sector is a separate question that deserves serious, expert examination. What is clear is that the State cannot turn a blind eye to exploitation while claiming to honour veterans.
From Symbolism to a Living Covenant
The incident near Zirakpur will soon be forgotten, like many others before it. The deeper questions it raises must not be. Do we respect ex-servicemen only when a retired Army Commander’s tweet goes viral, or are we prepared to build quiet, durable systems that serve the anonymous havildar and his daughter seeking a government job?
A dedicated Ex-Servicemen Recruitment Board, a time-bound calendar of recruitments, better support for acquiring qualifications, and vigilant oversight of both public and private employment would together transform the reservation regime from a pious declaration into a living covenant. In a state that proudly calls itself the sword arm of India, it is time we showed that we value not just the sword in battle, but the soldier in retirement—and the family that stood behind that soldier all along.
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Proposed changes to Panjab University, now withdrawn by the Centre after criticism
Protests at Chandigarh’s Panjab University against proposed changes in the university’s governance structure.Protests at Chandigarh’s Panjab University against proposed changes in the university’s governance structure. (Express photo by Kamleshwar Singh)
Nearly two weeks after it notified the restructuring of Panjab University’s two important bodies, the senate and the syndicate, the Union Ministry of Education made a volte-face on Friday (November 7) and rescinded the notification.
An October 28 notification had sparked protests from students and drawn criticism from the ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Punjab.
Faced with pushback, the ministry rescinded the notification, announcing that it was keeping the changes on hold. Separately, it notified that the changes will only come into effect on a date specified by the Centre. It rescinded the notification altogether on Friday. Here’s why the matter triggered a row.
What are the Panjab University’s senate and syndicate?
Panjab University traces its history to the University of Punjab, set up in Lahore in 1882. After the Partition of India, the Punjab University Act of 1947 made way for a university in what was then called East Punjab. A campus was set up in Chandigarh, with affiliated colleges in Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Chandigarh — regions which then constituted East Punjab.
The reorganisation of East Punjab in 1966 created the states of Punjab, Haryana and the Union Territory of Chandigarh as the states’ joint capital. The states having PU-affiliated colleges had also funded the university, giving it a unique interstate character, until Haryana and Himachal Pradesh got their respective colleges affiliated to their own state universities.
Panjab University now has over 200 affiliated colleges in Punjab and Chandigarh, and is funded by the Centre and the Punjab government. The senate is the governing body of the university or its supreme authority, according to the 1947 Act. Then there is the syndicate, which performs executive functions of the university, and can make recommendations and proposals on which the senate takes the final call.
With around 90 members, the senate includes the Chancellor, Vice Chancellor, ex officio fellows (holding the post by virtue of their office), and ordinary fellows. The Chancellor is the Vice President of India. Ex officio fellows include the Chief Minister and Education Minister of Punjab, the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, and senior officials of Chandigarh and Punjab.
The Act provides for up to 85 ordinary fellows, including 15 members elected by registered graduates of the university, certain professors, principals and two members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly elected from amongst themselves. The remaining members are nominees of the Chancellor.
The university’s syndicate is headed by the VC and comprises officials of Punjab and Chandigarh, in addition to up to 15 members elected by the faculty.
What changes did the Education Ministry propose?
In the October 28 notification, the ministry sought to downsize the senate and turn the syndicate into a body that would largely comprise ex officio and nominated members, instead of the current system of having most members being elected.
While the 1947 Act provided for up to 85 ordinary fellows in the senate, the change meant that there would be only up to 24 ordinary fellows. Doing away with the practice of registered graduates electing members, the ministry notified that two eminent alumni would be nominated by the Chancellor. The notification also reduced the number of elected members from among university faculty, principals, and teachers to around 14 — down from 32.
The Chancellor’s nominees from among persons of eminence were also reduced from around 36 to six. Ultimately, the restructuring would have brought down the senate’s strength from 90 members to 31. For the syndicate, the notification added the Higher Education Secretary of the Education Ministry, and replaced the elected members with nominees of the VC.
What was the rationale behind these changes?
Sources say the ministry wanted to restructure the university’s governance since the large size of the senate meant that there were lengthy processes associated with their elections. They also said the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 calls for governance reforms in higher education institutions, and that reforms at Panjab University were suggested by a panel set up in 2021 by then Vice President and Chancellor M Venkaiah Naidu.
They further justified the ministry’s move by stating that under the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, inter-state body corporates are subject to directions issued by the Centre. Despite the changes, they pointed out, the representation of the Punjab government in the senate would remain unchanged.