The issue of fair representation for Punjab officers and officials in the Chandigarh Administration has once again emerged as a focal point in the ongoing debate over inter-state equity and administrative justice. At the heart of this issue lies a long-standing convention that civil posts in the Union Territory of Chandigarh should be filled in a 60:40 ratio between Punjab and Haryana, respectively. Despite being informally recognized and followed for decades, this convention appears to have been eroded over time, with Punjab repeatedly voicing concerns about being sidelined.
Following the reorganization of Punjab in 1966, which led to the creation of Haryana, Chandigarh was designated as a Union Territory and made the shared capital of both states. To ensure administrative balance and to reflect the interests of both states, the central government proposed that civil service posts in the Chandigarh Administration would be filled in the ratio of 60% for Punjab and 40% for Haryana.
This understanding, while not legislated into formal law, was accepted as an administrative convention and followed by successive governments for several decades. It aimed to maintain harmony and ensure that the cultural, linguistic, and bureaucratic composition of the Chandigarh Administration remained representative of both parent states, particularly Punjab, which had a stronger historical and geographical claim over the city.
In recent years, Punjab has raised alarm over what it describes as a systematic dilution of its presence in the Chandigarh Administration. Reports and political leaders have highlighted that Punjab officers are increasingly underrepresented in key administrative positions, ranging from the Deputy Commissioners and Superintendents of Police to senior bureaucratic posts.
For example, as per unofficial data shared by state officials, a majority of the IAS and IPS officers currently posted in Chandigarh either belong to Haryana or are officers on central deputation. This perceived imbalance has led Punjab politicians and bureaucrats to question the sincerity of the Centre in upholding the 60:40 ratio.
The issue was reignited recently when senior Punjab leaders submitted a memorandum to the Union Home Ministry demanding an audit and rectification of the current postings in the Union Territory. They stressed that the absence of Punjab officers not only violates the agreed convention but also marginalizes Punjab’s influence in the governance of Chandigarh—an area deeply connected to its identity, culture, and administrative reach.
Punjab leaders from both the ruling and opposition parties have expressed concerns that the current arrangement is skewed in favor of Haryana and the Centre. They argue that unless the convention is enforced strictly, the people of Punjab will continue to feel alienated from their own capital.
Legally, Chandigarh is administered directly by the central government through the Ministry of Home Affairs. Appointments and postings of officers to Chandigarh fall under the purview of the Centre, which often selects officers from the central pool or from either of the two states based on administrative needs.
However, political experts and constitutional scholars point out that conventions, even if unwritten, carry significant weight in federal systems. Disregarding these conventions without consultation or justification can lead to mistrust and inter-state friction.
The challenge lies in balancing administrative efficiency with political sensitivity. The central government must weigh the need for merit-based appointments against the longstanding expectations of equitable representation, particularly in a city as symbolic and contested as Chandigarh.
Despite the complexities, many believe that a course correction is still possible, provided there is political will and transparent implementation mechanisms. One proposed solution is for the Union Government to conduct a comprehensive audit of all civil and police posts in Chandigarh to determine the current representation levels of Punjab and Haryana officers.
Based on the findings, corrective measures can include:
Filling future vacancies in accordance with the 60:40 formula.
Increasing deputations from the Punjab cadre to Chandigarh to restore balance.
Setting up an oversight committee with representatives from Punjab, Haryana, and the Centre to periodically review the status of postings and maintain transparency.
Such measures would not only restore Punjab’s confidence but also strengthen federal cooperation in a politically sensitive region.
The representation issue is not just about numbers or administrative balance; it also touches on deeper questions of identity, fairness, and historical entitlement. For Punjab, Chandigarh is more than just an administrative center—it is a symbol of its post-partition rebuilding, its linguistic and cultural legacy, and its rightful place in the Indian Union.
Ensuring fair representation in its governance structure could help ease tensions and reaffirm the Centre’s commitment to federal fairness. On the other hand, continued neglect of this issue could deepen disillusionment and complicate the larger unresolved matter of Chandigarh’s final status.
While the demand for adequate representation of Punjab officers in the Chandigarh Administration is not new, it has acquired renewed urgency in the current political climate. Reaffirming and implementing the 60:40 convention offers a practical and symbolic way to respect historical commitments, promote inter-state trust, and ensure equitable governance in India’s only Union Territory that serves as a dual capital.
Whether the Union Government responds positively remains to be seen—but for Punjab, the fight for fair representation in Chandigarh is far from over.
Corruption has long been a deeply entrenched issue in Punjab, both within the government and in the wider society. While political parties often campaign on anti-corruption promises, the real challenge lies in implementing structural reforms, changing public behavior, and building systems that can sustain transparency and accountability. The question remains—can corruption be truly eliminated in Punjab, both inside and outside the government?
The answer is complex. While complete elimination may be idealistic, significant reduction is both possible and necessary. Achieving this requires a combination of strong leadership, empowered institutions, digital governance, public participation, and judicial accountability.
Corruption Inside the Government: Problems and Possibilities
Corruption within the government typically takes the form of bribery, favoritism, misallocation of public resources, recruitment scams, and contract manipulation. Departments such as Revenue, Police, Transport, and Municipal Corporations are frequently cited in public complaints.
Recent Examples:
Punjab Vigilance Bureau Crackdowns (2022–2025): The state Vigilance Bureau under successive governments has booked several senior officers and MLAs for graft. In one high-profile case, a former minister was arrested for demanding bribes in exchange for clearing departmental files.
Recruitment Scams: There have been cases where exams for government jobs were leaked or manipulated in favor of those who paid bribes, undermining merit-based recruitment.
Can It Be Eliminated?
Yes, but only through systemic changes, such as:
Digital Governance: Implementing online systems for land records, tendering, and public services (like Sewa Kendras) reduces human discretion, thereby limiting opportunities for bribes.
Whistleblower Protection: Encouraging honest officers and citizens to report corruption by ensuring safety and legal protection.
Independent Institutions: Empowering agencies like the Punjab State Vigilance Commission to act independently of political influence.
Strict Punishment and Fast Trials: Setting up fast-track courts for corruption cases and ensuring punishments are swift and public can serve as a deterrent.
Corruption Outside the Government: Public Complicity and Cultural Factors
Corruption is not limited to politicians or officers. It thrives in broader society due to the public’s acceptance of shortcuts, lack of awareness, and apathy toward legal routes.
Examples:
Bribes for Building Approvals or Business Licenses: Citizens often voluntarily offer bribes to “speed up” permissions, indirectly encouraging corrupt behavior.
Traffic Violations: Many drivers prefer to bribe a traffic cop instead of paying a challan or appearing in court.
Middlemen in Land Deals: Illegal commissions and document manipulation are common in real estate transactions, especially in rural Punjab.
What Can Be Done?
Civic Education Campaigns: Building a culture of honesty begins with public education. Schools and colleges must teach ethical citizenship and the cost of corruption.
Strengthening RTI (Right to Information): A well-informed public can expose corruption through access to government records.
Citizen Charters: Every department should publicly display service standards and deadlines, so citizens know what they’re entitled to—without bribes.
Social Accountability Tools: Initiatives like social audits, public hearings (jansunwai), and citizen feedback mechanisms can hold local bodies accountable.
Success Stories That Inspire Hope
Punjab and other Indian states have already witnessed success stories that suggest corruption can be tackled:
Mohali Municipal Corporation’s e-Governance Reforms: By digitizing building plans and grievance redressal, Mohali has reduced discretionary power and improved transparency.
Online Land Registry System (M-Sewa): By eliminating in-person visits and paperwork, the Punjab Government’s move to online land records has curbed corruption in revenue departments.
Delhi’s Mohalla Clinics and Punjab’s Aam Aadmi Clinics: These low-cost health services reduce people’s dependence on corrupt private practitioners and touts, showing how public service delivery can be improved.
Political Will: The X-Factor
Ultimately, the fight against corruption boils down to political will. Leaders must walk the talk. While parties like the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Punjab have made anti-corruption their primary slogan, sustained enforcement and non-discriminatory action against their own leaders is essential to maintain credibility.
In 2022, the Punjab government launched a corruption helpline where citizens could submit audio/video proof of officials demanding bribes. While this was a good start, such efforts need consistent follow-up and legal backing to be truly effective.
The elimination of corruption in Punjab—within government offices and the broader public sphere—is not impossible, but it demands a multi-pronged approach. Technology, education, institutional reform, and civic responsibility must all come together to dismantle the foundations of corruption.
Instead of asking, “Can corruption be eliminated?” a more practical question might be, “Are we doing enough to reduce it every day?” Because real change, after all, starts with each individual refusing to pay or take a bribe—and demanding integrity at every level.
Crackdown on Corruption: Notable Arrests of Punjab Government Officials
In recent years, Punjab has intensified its efforts to root out corruption within its government machinery. The Punjab Vigilance Bureau (VB) has been at the forefront of this campaign, leading to several high-profile arrests across various departments. These actions underscore the state’s commitment to transparency and accountability.
High-Profile Arrests
1. MLA Raman Arora (AAP) – Jalandhar Central
On May 23, 2025, the VB arrested Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) MLA Raman Arora from Jalandhar Central. The arrest followed a raid at his residence in connection with a corruption case involving the solicitation of bribes for municipal approvals. Arora is the third AAP legislator arrested on corruption charges, following Health Minister Dr. Vijay Singla in 2022 and Bathinda Rural MLA Amit Rattan Kotfatta in 2023.
2. Police Inspector Vijay Kumar – Patiala
In August 2024, Inspector Vijay Kumar, formerly in charge of the CIA unit in Samana, Patiala district, was arrested for accepting a ₹6 lakh bribe. The bribe was allegedly taken in connivance with ASI Raghvir Singh to influence an investigation.
3. Junior Engineer Ranjit Singh – PSPCL, Amritsar
On September 26, 2024, Ranjit Singh, a Junior Engineer at Punjab State Power Corporation Ltd (PSPCL) in Amritsar, was caught red-handed accepting a ₹25,000 bribe. The bribe was part of a larger ₹1 lakh demand to reduce a ₹6 lakh fine imposed on a complainant.
4. Superintendent Jagjivan Singh – State Transport Department
In May 2025, Jagjivan Singh, a superintendent at the state transport-cum-MD PUNBUS office in Chandigarh, was arrested for accepting a ₹20,000 bribe. The bribe was demanded from a transporter to release a ₹2 lakh security deposit related to bus leases. The Times of India
5. Municipal Council Clerk Varinderpal (Vickey) – Tarn Taran
In July 2024, Varinderpal, a clerk at the Municipal Council in Tarn Taran, was arrested for demanding and accepting a ₹10,000 bribe for issuing a no-objection certificate for electricity meter installation.
Both officers were implicated in a case where they allegedly demanded a ₹10 lakh bribe, accepting ₹6 lakh to influence an investigation. Their arrests highlight corruption within the police force.
7. Executive Engineer Sartaj Singh Randhawa and SDO Harjinder Singh – Mining Department, Hoshiarpur
These officials were arrested for accepting a ₹5 lakh bribe related to mining operations, showcasing corruption in resource management sectors.
8. Dr. Poonam Goyal and Dr. Gaurav Jain – Community Health Center, Sahnewal
Both medical officers were caught accepting a ₹15,000 bribe, reflecting corruption in the healthcare sector.
9. Assistant Engineer Amarjit Kumar – Panchayats Department, Rajpura
Arrested for accepting a ₹2 lakh bribe, highlighting issues in rural development departments.
10. Additional Superintending Engineer Manish Kumar Jindal – PSPCL, Lehra Gaga
Caught accepting a ₹45,000 bribe, indicating ongoing corruption in the power sector.
11. DSP Baljit Singh Brar – Maur Mandi, Bathinda
Nabbed while taking a ₹30,000 bribe, showcasing corruption within the police hierarchy.
12. Superintending Engineer R.K. Gupta – Water Supply and Sanitation Department, Mohali
Arrested for accepting a ₹1 lakh bribe, reflecting malpractices in essential services.
13. Assistant Town Planner Ravi Pankaj Sharma – Jalandhar
Caught accepting an ₹8 lakh bribe, indicating corruption in urban planning and development.
14. AIG Malwinder Singh Sidhu – Human Rights, Punjab
Arrested for taking bribes from government officials by threatening them with false complaints, highlighting misuse of authority.
15. IAS Officer Vinay Biblani and PCS Officer Harpreet Singh – Labour Department, Hoshiarpur
Both officers were booked for corruption, emphasizing issues at the administrative level.
The arrests of these officials across various departments underscore the Punjab government’s commitment to combating corruption. While these actions are commendable, sustained efforts, systemic reforms, and public vigilance are essential to eradicate corruption and restore public trust in governance.