The strategic map of our neighbourhood is undergoing a seismic shift — and India can no longer afford to respond with diplomatic niceties and infrastructural inertia. Russia, India’s time-tested partner, has now visibly tilted its axis. By formally recognising the Taliban government in Afghanistan and forging a new transport corridor with Pakistan to access warm waters, Moscow has sent an unmistakable message: its old loyalties are now subject to new logistical realities.
At the heart of this pivot lies a complex web of strategic interests. The proposed rail and road link from Russia to Pakistan via Central Asia and Afghanistan isn’t merely about trade. It’s about placing Pakistan at the heart of a new Eurasian connectivity grid. What began as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is now being expanded into a joint China-Russia-Pakistan axis. With Russia joining hands with Beijing in building logistical access through Pakistan, CPEC is no longer a bilateral corridor — it is fast becoming a multi-power transit and influence route, giving Pakistan unprecedented geostrategic importance.
India, which stood by Russia through thick and thin — buying discounted oil in defiance of Western pressure, acquiring Sukhois, S-400s, and other critical defence systems — now watches this shift with justified unease. The presumed exclusivity of our strategic relationship with Moscow appears to be a relic of the past.
But this is not just symbolic realignment. Russia’s recognition of the Taliban regime — and acceptance of its appointed ambassador — is a long-term logistical and diplomatic investment. Any Russian land access to Pakistan must pass through Afghanistan. Normalising the Taliban regime is the price Russia is willing to pay to build uninterrupted access to the Arabian Sea. And unlike India, Moscow is not constrained by ideological baggage or international hand-wringing.
This pattern is not isolated. It reflects a broader attempt to undermine India’s rise as a major connectivity hub. Consider what happened after the landmark announcement of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) during the G20 Summit hosted by India. For the first time, India positioned itself as a bridge between East and West — an alternative to China’s Belt and Road. And yet, almost immediately, the region descended into turmoil. The Israel-Palestine war erupted just weeks later, engulfing the IMEC route in flames and uncertainty. Was this merely coincidence? Or was it a calculated disruption to derail India’s most ambitious economic diplomacy move in decades?
So, what must India do?
First, stop playing defensive. The time for hand-wringing over lost allies is over. India must now urgently build its own strategic depth — and that begins at home. Roads, railways, ports, and energy corridors are no longer just development tools; they are instruments of sovereignty.
Yet, India’s most critical infrastructure projects — from the Jammu-Katra-Delhi expressway to the Bharatmala corridors — face stiff opposition not from foreign powers, but from within. In the name of “saving the environment” or fighting “crony capitalism,” a network of ideologically charged opposition — fueled by sleeper cells of communists — has risen to stall progress. Nowhere is this more vocal than in Punjab, where every expressway is portrayed as a gift to Adani or Ambani, rather than a shield for national integration and defence mobility.
This narrative is not organic. It raises troubling questions. Are these protests being manipulated by international actors? Can we rule out the possibility that these sleeper cells of communists, working under the guise of activism, are acting at the behest of foreign interests that seek to derail India’s rise?
Pakistan has offered itself as a corridor to both China and Russia. Afghanistan, under Taliban control, is gaining acceptance in key capitals. China is building roads across disputed Himalayan regions without apologies. And India? Still stuck debating land acquisition laws and environmental clearance files — narratives amplified by sleeper cells of communists who thrive on disruption, not development.
The government must not blink. Every kilometre of road we fail to build, every month we delay a corridor, is a win for our rivals. Roads are not just for trade — they are for troop movement, disaster response, economic insulation, and geopolitical leverage.
At the same time, New Delhi must recalibrate its foreign policy. Engagement with Central Asia should be fast-tracked. Strategic assets like Chabahar Port and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) must be revitalised. We cannot afford to let the geography of Eurasia be redrawn without India on the table.
The world is choosing routes, not rhetoric. If India wants to remain a key player in this shifting regional dynamic, it must do more than build narratives.
It must build the roads — before others block them permanently.