Punjab, a land of valor, rich culture, and fertile fields, has long been at the heart of India’s history and economy. Despite being the nation’s breadbasket and a major contributor to national security and growth, Punjab has repeatedly alleged step-motherly treatment by the Indian state. This sentiment is not born out of mere emotion but has deep roots in a series of political, economic, and administrative decisions that have consistently marginalized the state. Issues like the unresolved status of Chandigarh, unfair water distribution through the SYL canal, the erosion of control over the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB), denial of Punjabi-speaking areas, and broader economic neglect collectively form the core of Punjab’s long-standing grievances.
Punjab’s story of sacrifice and contribution begins even before India’s independence. The people of Punjab played a disproportionately large role in the freedom struggle. From towering revolutionaries like Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Udham Singh, Kartar Singh Sarabha, to countless unsung heroes who faced British bullets and gallows, Punjab became the epicenter of resistance. Historical records show that over 80% of Indian freedom fighters who were hanged or sentenced to life imprisonment were from Punjab, despite it being only a small percentage of India’s population. This fearless contribution to the struggle for liberty is unmatched, yet rarely acknowledged in the way it deserves in mainstream national discourse.
After independence, Punjab continued to be at the forefront of national defense. Whether in the wars of 1947-48, 1965, 1971, or the Kargil conflict of 1999, Punjabis—particularly Sikhs—have always been overrepresented in the Indian Army. It is often said that when the nation sleeps, Punjabis stand guard, and this is not an exaggeration. Punjab has produced the highest number of Param Vir Chakras, the highest military decoration in India, and a vast number of martyrs in every war fought by the nation. The number of war widows in Punjab is higher than in any other Indian state, a grim testament to the state’s unflinching patriotism and readiness to lay down lives for the country. Yet, many families of these martyrs struggle for pensions, land allotments, or even recognition—another reflection of the neglect faced by the state and its people.
After the partition of India in 1947, Punjab lost its historic capital, Lahore, which became part of Pakistan. In response, the city of Chandigarh was built to serve as the new capital of Punjab. However, this symbolic capital was taken away from the state following the linguistic reorganization of 1966, when Haryana was carved out as a separate state. Chandigarh was designated a Union Territory to serve as the joint capital of both Punjab and Haryana, with an explicit promise that it would be handed over to Punjab in due course. Yet, over five decades later, that promise remains unfulfilled. Not only does Chandigarh remain a Union Territory, but the central government has also been gradually increasing its control, diluting Punjab’s influence over administrative appointments and policies in the city. This has caused widespread resentment, especially as Chandigarh lies geographically and historically within Punjab’s natural boundary.
Closely linked to Chandigarh is the issue of the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB), which manages the waters and power generated by the Bhakra and Beas river projects. These monumental projects were built on Punjab’s land and with its resources, yet today, Punjab has little say in their management. Over the years, officers from Haryana and Rajasthan—non-riparian beneficiary states—have been appointed to top BBMB positions, bypassing Punjab’s rightful administrative control. Furthermore, Punjab receives a disproportionately small share of the water and electricity generated by these dams, despite being the original stakeholder. This marginalization of Punjab’s role in BBMB has only deepened the feeling that the state is being used for its resources but denied authority and benefits.
Perhaps the most emotionally and politically charged issue is the Sutlej-Yamuna Link (SYL) canal. This canal was conceived to divert Punjab’s river water to Haryana, a move that Punjab has consistently resisted. The core of the issue lies in the arbitrary division of river waters by the central government after the 1966 reorganization, without honoring the internationally accepted principle of riparian rights. Punjab, already a water-stressed state, cannot afford to give away its river waters, especially as its groundwater levels are plummeting due to overexploitation. The SYL canal is viewed in Punjab not merely as a legal matter but as a question of survival. Massive protests, loss of lives, and political upheaval have erupted over this issue. Despite the Punjab Assembly passing the Punjab Termination of Agreements Act in 2004 to nullify water-sharing pacts, the central government challenged this move in the Supreme Court, which later declared the act unconstitutional. The continued push for the canal’s completion has fueled further mistrust and disillusionment.
The betrayal of Punjabi-speaking areas further adds to the feeling of injustice. When the state was reorganized on linguistic lines in 1966, many Punjabi-majority regions such as Fazilka, Abohar, and parts of Himachal Pradesh were excluded from Punjab. Despite the recommendations of the Shah Commission and other inquiries, these areas were never fully integrated into Punjab, leading to a sense of cultural and linguistic alienation. This denial of territorial and linguistic rights has compounded Punjab’s frustration and fed into a broader narrative of cultural suppression.
Economically, Punjab has faced neglect despite its critical contributions. During the Green Revolution, Punjab fed the entire nation, turning India from a food-deficit country into a food surplus one. Yet, the ecological cost—depleted soil, water scarcity, and stubble burning—has been borne solely by Punjab’s farmers, without adequate compensation or policy support from the Centre. The central government has consistently delayed or denied financial packages, GST compensation, and fair minimum support prices. While other states have benefited from industrial corridors and massive infrastructure projects, Punjab has seen little central investment, despite its strategic border location and potential.
Beyond resources and economics, there is a deeper sense of political and cultural alienation. The unique identity of Punjab and the Sikh community has often been misunderstood or misrepresented in national discourse. From the painful scars of 1984 to the vilification of youth during the drug crisis, Punjab feels that its concerns are either ignored or weaponized. The erosion of Punjabi language in administrative usage and the declining cultural presence of Punjab in national institutions further exacerbates the feeling of neglect.
In conclusion, Punjab’s journey over the last seven decades reflects a consistent pattern of being sidelined in matters of capital, resources, water rights, language, and political power. The issues of Chandigarh, BBMB, SYL, linguistic betrayal, economic exploitation, and now the lack of recognition for its military and historical sacrifices, are not isolated—they are symptoms of a larger failure to treat Punjab as an equal stakeholder in the Indian Union. If India is to uphold the principles of cooperative federalism and unity in diversity, it must move beyond token gestures and address Punjab’s concerns with sincerity, justice, and urgency. Only then can the wounds of history begin to heal, and Punjab feel truly valued within the Indian nation.