When the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) rose to power in Punjab in 2022 with a sweeping mandate, many hoped it would mark a new era of transparent governance and empowerment for the people of Punjab. However, over the past three years, a troubling trend has emerged: while Arvind Kejriwal and his Delhi-based team have exercised significant control over Punjab’s political and administrative machinery, they have systematically failed to provide representation or opportunities to Punjabis themselves—neither in Delhi during their earlier reign nor now within Punjab’s own institutions.
One of the core concerns that has surfaced repeatedly is that during Kejriwal’s decade-long rule in Delhi, not a single notable Punjabi was appointed to a high-ranking post in his cabinet or administration. Despite Delhi having a significant Punjabi population, AAP never genuinely accommodated them in key decision-making roles. There were no appointments of Punjabi IAS officers to influential posts, nor were there any targeted job creation programs for Punjabi youth in Delhi—something which now rings hypocritical, especially when contrasted with how much influence Delhi officers now exert over Punjab.
Since the AAP government took over in Punjab under Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, the real power is widely seen to be wielded not in Chandigarh, but from Delhi, particularly by Kejriwal himself and his close advisors like Raghav Chadha, Atishi, and Saurabh Bharadwaj. This perception isn’t baseless. There have been repeated allegations that key administrative decisions, including officer postings, financial approvals, and political strategies, are dictated by individuals with no roots in Punjab. Several civil servants and bureaucrats have reportedly been handpicked from Delhi, bypassing capable local officers.
The appointment of Raghav Chadha—originally from Delhi—as a de facto power center in Punjab, with cabinet-level privileges and influence over state decisions, stirred major controversy. It was seen as a slap in the face of Punjabi leadership, especially since Chadha had no electoral mandate in the state. Similarly, reports have emerged that crucial meetings about Punjab’s governance were held in Delhi rather than in Punjab’s own Secretariat—underscoring how Punjab has been reduced to a satellite state governed remotely.
Moreover, many Punjabis who supported AAP with the hope of reviving the state’s broken system now feel betrayed. Not only have jobs for Punjabi youth failed to materialize at the promised scale, but even within the AAP structure, local workers and leaders have complained of being sidelined. Party insiders allege that Delhi-based strategists continue to dominate campaign planning, funds distribution, and public messaging in Punjab, leaving the local leadership to mere ceremonial roles. This is reflected in the lack of empowerment at the grassroots, where local MLAs are often seen waiting for instructions from Delhi before taking decisions in their own constituencies.
Adding to the resentment is the perception that AAP treats Punjab as an experimental lab, a region to showcase governance models that are crafted and executed from Delhi, without factoring in the cultural and socio-political nuances of Punjab. From the education sector to policing, there have been multiple attempts to import Delhi’s “success models” without consultation with Punjabi experts or ground-level stakeholders.
This pattern of exclusion and centralised control has deepened the alienation of Punjabi civil society, intellectuals, and even AAP supporters, many of whom now question if the party ever intended to empower Punjab beyond using it as a stepping stone for national ambitions. The stark contrast between Delhi’s neglect of Punjabis in administrative representation and the dominance of Delhi’s functionaries in Punjab’s governance has become symbolic of AAP’s double standards.
In conclusion, while AAP continues to campaign under the slogans of transparency and people-centric governance, the reality in Punjab tells a very different story—one of power without participation, representation without voice, and leadership without roots. As Kejriwal’s shadow looms large over Punjab’s political landscape, the people of the state are beginning to ask a fundamental question: Is this truly Punjab’s government, or merely an extension of Delhi’s ambitions?