On 11 August 2025, a significant political event unfolded in Amritsar when Giani Harpreet Singh, the former Jathedar of Shri Akal Takht Sahib, was unanimously elected as the President of the so-called rebel Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) by its delegates. A last-minute leadership contest was avoided after Bibi Satwant Kaur was made Chairperson of the Religious Affairs Committee, thus preserving unity within the faction’s senior leadership.
The announcement was laced with religious symbolism. In his acceptance address, Giani Harpreet Singh invoked the blessings of Akal Purakh for the seva entrusted to him, while making three wo decisive political statements: his faction’s mission was to take control of (1) the Shiromani Akali Dal as an organisation, (2) its election symbol, and (3) the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC).
The 2 December Turning Point
This process has its roots in the historic decision of 2 December 2024, when the Panj Singh Sahibaan of Shri Akal Takht declared the then-leadership of the Shiromani Akali Dal incompetent, calling upon several senior leaders — including Sukhbir Singh Badal — to resign. They directed that a new organisational process be initiated under the supervision of a seven-member committee convened by SGPC President Harcharan Singh Dhami.
The Badal-led SAD neither implemented these directions in letter nor in spirit. Soon after, Advocate Dhami distanced himself from the supervisory panel, effectively reducing it to five members. These remaining five members proceeded to carry forward the process that has now culminated in Giani Harpreet Singh’s unaniomous election.
Parallel Processes, Parallel Presidents
Meanwhile, the Badal faction pursued its own organisational course. By following its internal schedule and processes, it re-elected Sukhbir Singh Badal as party president, thus setting the stage for a dual-leadership confrontation unprecedented in the party’s recent history.
The rebel faction, for its part, claimed to have enrolled 15 lakh new members without charging any membership fee — a sharp contrast to the Badal faction’s token fee of ₹10 per member. Crucially, the rebels did not form or register a new political party with the Election Commission of India (ECI), asserting that they were the real Shiromani Akali Dal acting under the guidance of Shri Akal Takht Sahib.
The Badal camp took a more cautious legal line, arguing that obeying the Takht’s directions in organisational matters could be construed as religious interference in politics under Indian law, potentially risking the party’s de-registration.
The Election Commission’s Dilemma
With two presidents claiming leadership of the same political party, the ECI now faces a familiar but complex challenge: determining which faction is the real Shiromani Akali Dal. Precedents exist — notably the Shiv Sena and Nationalist Congress Party splits in Maharashtra — but each case turns on its own facts.
The ECI traditionally applies a twin test:
Organisational majority — control over the party’s recognised organisational structure, committees, and delegates.
Legislative majority — support of the majority of elected legislators in the relevant assembly or parliament.
In the current Punjab Assembly, SAD’s representation is minimal, and the split is virtually 50-50 among its two MLAs. This makes the legislative majority test inconclusive. The organisational majority test will also be contested, given disputes over delegate credentials, meeting validity, and adherence to the party’s constitution.
Legalistic arguments — such as whether the Badal faction’s failure to hold a General Council meeting invalidates their decisions — will likely be raised. Yet, in political party disputes, the ECI often prefers a broader political determination over strict technicalities.
Historical Parallels: Punjab’s Many Akali Splits
The Shiromani Akali Dal has a long history of splits and mergers, with Punjab’s electorate often settling the question of legitimacy at the ballot box rather than in courtrooms.
1985: After the Rajiv–Longowal Accord, the Longowal–Barnala faction (with the “Scales” symbol) was seen as the Panth’s principal political voice, despite the Badal faction’s participation in elections.
1989: The Simaranjit Singh Mann group, contesting largely as independents due to internal disputes, swept Punjab’s Lok Sabha seats.
1991: The aborted Vidhan Sabha elections, held under volatile conditions, might have favoured radical Panthic factions.
1992: The Captain Amarinder Singh-led SAD (Scales) was comprehensively rejected by voters in favour of the Congress under Chief Minister Beant Singh.
1997–2024: The Badal-led SAD became the undisputed mainstream Panthic party, surviving challenges from smaller radical outfits.
These episodes underline that public perception, not legal recognition alone, determines which faction commands the Panthic mandate.
Symbolism vs. Substance
Control of the SAD’s election symbol, the “Scales,” is seen as a prize worth fighting for, but in modern politics — especially with social media outreach — alternative symbols can be effectively popularised. The electorate’s loyalty is no longer tied exclusively to a visual emblem; leadership credibility, organisational reach, and alignment with Panthic sentiment matter far more.
This is why Giani Harpreet Singh’s emphatic targeting of the SGPC is politically significant. The SGPC is not merely a religious-administrative body; it is the institutional backbone of Sikh political influence in Punjab. Controlling it confers immense symbolic legitimacy and access to the Sikh diaspora’s goodwill.
SGPC Elections: Not Imminent
As of now, SGPC general elections are not on the immediate horizon. The BJP-led Central Government has shown no urgency, even declining to extend the tenure of Chief Commissioner Justice S.S. Saron. The next possible flashpoint could be the SGPC Executive Committee elections in November 2025. Should the existing house elect a leadership aligned with Giani Harpreet Singh, his faction’s institutional credibility would be dramatically strengthened.
The Scheduled Caste Factor
An under-discussed but politically potent element of this development is caste representation. Giani Harpreet Singh’s elevation marks the first time a Scheduled Caste Sikh has assumed the SAD Presidency. This could carry wider political undertones across Punjab’s political spectrum, particularly with former Congress Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi’s sustained visibility in state politics.
Given that Punjab’s Scheduled Caste population accounts for nearly a third of its electorate, this factor alone could reshape voting alignments, especially in constituencies where Panthic and Dalit interests intersect.
Legal and Political Uncertainties
The rebel SAD’s insistence that it is the real party — without registering a separate entity — means the legal battle will revolve around:
Documentary control: Who holds the party’s official registers, membership rolls, and financial accounts?
Constitutional compliance: Did the Badal faction violate the party constitution by bypassing mandated meetings and elections?
Public mandate: Will upcoming elections (whenever they occur) serve as a de facto referendum on leadership?
The ECI’s decision, whenever it comes, will likely be challenged in the Supreme Court, prolonging uncertainty. In the meantime, both factions will operate independently, courting the same voter base and Panthic institutions.
Beyond an Anti-Badal Identity
The new outfit, though rightly delineating its three immediate priorities, should guard against being perceived merely as an anti-Badal machine. To establish itself as a credible, future-oriented force, it must launch a sustained political outreach programme that goes beyond Panthic circles. This includes building bridges with Punjab’s Hindu community across urban and rural areas, and directly engaging with the broader concerns of the state’s youth, farmers, landless labourers, industrialists, and traders. By articulating clear policy positions on these fronts, the faction can define an agenda the public understands and relates to. Such an approach will also send the right signals to the BJP, which is watching closely from the sidelines to see which faction emerges as the “true” Shiromani Akali Dal in the months ahead.
In Summary: The Road Ahead
The 11 August election of Giani Harpreet Singh as President of the rebel Shiromani Akali Dal has crystallised a split that began with the Akal Takht’s 2 December directive. It virtually pits religious authority against political incumbency, with the SGPC as the ultimate institutional prize, but eyes on capturing majority in the Punjab Vidhan Sabha in 2027.
For now, Punjab has two parallel SADs:
The Badal faction, with incumbency, physical control of party offices, and ECI recognition.
The Giani Harpreet Singh faction, with a claimed mass membership drive, moral authority from the Takht’s intervention, and a promise to reclaim the party’s symbol and institutional base. (short video)
History suggests that Punjab’s electorate, not the Election Commission or courts, will ultimately decide which faction is the authentic voice of the Panth. But until that test comes at the ballot box, the political battlefield will be shaped by organisational manoeuvres, legal challenges, and an intense contest for narrative dominance.
Author’s credentials:
K.B.S. Sidhu, IAS (Retd.), former Special Chief Secretary, Punjab, writes at the intersection of Punjab’s Panthic politics, the Election Commission of India’s recognition of political party precedents, and peering into the state’s political horizon.