As Punjab moves closer to the 2027 Assembly elections, the political climate is once again heating up. The Congress party, which suffered a major defeat in 2022 due to internal infighting and leadership confusion, is eyeing a comeback. The question remains — can Congress regain public trust and political strength in a state that has become a four-cornered battlefield with AAP, SAD (Badal), and BJP also vying for power?
The Congress party still retains a significant support base in Punjab. Traditionally strong among Dalits, urban Hindus, and older rural voters, the party’s revival depends on its ability to present a united front and a strong leadership candidate. If the party can avoid the factional disputes that plagued it in 2021–22 and focus on key issues like farmers’ rights, unemployment, and social justice, it could reconnect with the public. The Congress also has an opportunity to benefit from any anti-incumbency sentiment against the Aam Aadmi Party, which is currently facing criticism over law and order, unemployment, and the handling of the drug crisis.
The Aam Aadmi Party, which won a massive mandate in 2022, is now facing growing public dissatisfaction. Its promises of good governance, improved schools and healthcare, and eradication of the drug menace have not been fully realized. Questions are being raised about the functioning of the state government under Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, who is often seen as being controlled by the Delhi-based AAP leadership. Allegations of rising crime, administrative inexperience, and lack of progress on major issues like sacrilege cases and job creation are beginning to tarnish AAP’s clean-image narrative. However, it still enjoys support among sections of the youth and voters who are frustrated with traditional parties.
The Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal) is struggling to revive its political fortunes. Once a dominant force in Punjab, the party’s credibility took a severe hit after its alliance with the BJP during the controversial farm laws and its handling of sacrilege cases. The traditional Panthic voter base has weakened, and SAD is now trying to rebuild through alliances with smaller Sikh organizations and focusing on religious identity and rural outreach. Though its grassroots cadre remains active in many areas, the party will need a major ideological and leadership shift to regain lost ground.
The BJP, which historically played second fiddle to SAD in Punjab, is now working to establish itself independently. It is targeting urban Hindu voters and attempting to make inroads among Dalit and backward class communities by offering welfare schemes and developmental promises. However, the anger over the farm laws and the perception of the BJP’s pro-Hindutva politics continue to hinder its acceptance in rural and Sikh-majority areas. While it may increase its vote share slightly, BJP is unlikely to become a major contender in Punjab unless it forges a new and effective alliance.
In conclusion, Punjab is headed for a competitive and unpredictable election in 2027. Congress has a realistic shot at returning to power, especially if public anger against AAP intensifies and the party can rally around a strong leadership. AAP, despite early popularity, will face the challenge of defending its performance. SAD (Badal) must reinvent itself or risk political extinction, while BJP will continue to build its base gradually. The outcome will ultimately depend on how these parties respond to the core issues of governance, agriculture, youth employment, and social justice in the coming two years.