The political future of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and its long-time president Sukhbir Singh Badal stands at a pivotal crossroads in Punjab’s rapidly shifting political landscape. After years of electoral decline and organisational instability, Sukhbir Badal’s unanimous re-election as party president for the fourth time has signalled both an attempt at consolidating internal leadership and a declaration that the party is preparing for a serious comeback. This decision, made at the historic Teja Singh Samundari Hall in the Golden Temple complex, reflects the party’s insistence that SAD still retains a core structure, loyal cadres, and a vision to re-emerge as a significant force by 2027. Yet, this symbolism also highlights the tension between SAD’s legacy and the challenges of rebuilding relevance in a state where voters have embraced new political alternatives.
Despite leadership consolidation, SAD remains trapped in an existential crisis caused by years of electoral setbacks. The party’s presence in the Punjab Legislative Assembly has shrunk to just a couple of seats, marking one of the weakest moments in its nearly century-old history. Its poor performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections further exposed its diminishing influence beyond pockets of rural and religious support. The ideological drift, organisational stagnation, and growing disconnect between leadership and grassroots workers have collectively weakened SAD’s position at a time when Punjab’s political sphere is dominated by the Aam Aadmi Party and increasingly competitive regional players. The gap between the party’s ambition and its on-ground strength remains a key obstacle that Sukhbir must overcome.
Compounding this crisis is the religious controversy surrounding Sukhbir Badal. Being declared “tankhaiya” by the Akal Takht—the highest spiritual authority of the Sikh faith—has significantly dented his moral authority in the eyes of many devout Sikh voters, who historically formed the backbone of the Akali vote bank. His resignation following the censure and subsequent reinstatement as party president have created the perception of a leadership unwilling to step aside for internal reform or spiritual reconciliation. This controversy may continue to shadow SAD’s political messaging, particularly among religious conservatives who expect the party not only to lead politically but also uphold Sikh religious ethos with integrity.
Internally, SAD faces growing dissent from leaders who accuse the party of abandoning traditional Akali values, decentralised decision-making, and the farmer-centric agenda that once defined it. A rebel faction, reportedly backed by influential Sikh clerical voices, threatens to fragment the party further. The emergence of splinter groups claiming to represent the “real Akali Dal” reflects a deeper ideological crisis over what SAD stands for in 2025. In addition, organisational coordination on the ground appears weak, with local units struggling to mobilise during protests and public campaigns. In several districts, the lack of unified strategy has become visibly evident during demonstrations against land-pooling and revenue decisions of the current AAP government.
Strategically, SAD is attempting to revive itself by positioning as the loudest critic of the Aam Aadmi Party in Punjab. Sukhbir Badal has intensified attacks on the government over issues like land pooling, financial mismanagement, rising debt, farmer distress, and alleged centralisation of governance through bodies such as the Punjab Development Commission. By taking an aggressive stance on agrarian issues and rural development, SAD aims to reclaim the space it historically commanded among farmers, rural households, and small religious institutions. The party’s messaging is built on the argument that Punjab needs an experienced regional force to counter both Delhi’s influence and AAP’s governance experiments.
However, the path to revival is far from easy. The biggest hurdle for SAD is its credibility deficit. Rebuilding trust among Sikh voters, rural communities, and traditional supporters will require genuine reforms, transparent decision-making, and the induction of fresh leadership voices—something observers believe the party has resisted for too long. Equally concerning is the risk posed by the new rebel factions, which could split the Akali vote and challenge Sukhbir’s authority at a time when unity is essential. If internal divides deepen, SAD may struggle to put up even a symbolic fight in 2027, let alone form a government.
Looking forward, the future of SAD and Sukhbir Badal can unfold in multiple directions. A revival remains possible if the party successfully reconnects with its base, resolves internal dissent, and presents itself as a disciplined, experienced alternative to AAP. But stagnation or marginalisation is equally likely if reform does not accompany ambition. A formal split within the Akali fold could reshape Sikh politics entirely, while SAD might also settle into the role of an issue-based pressure group rather than a power-seeking party.
In conclusion, the political future of Shiromani Akali Dal and Sukhbir Singh Badal will be defined by whether the party chooses transformation over tradition-bound loyalty. With Punjab’s political landscape undergoing unprecedented change, SAD must confront its internal contradictions, adopt a modern organisational approach, and regain the trust of voters who once saw it as the sole guardian of Punjab’s federal, religious, and agr”Shiromani Akali Dal at the Crossroads: Can Sukhbir Singh Badal Revive Punjab’s Oldest Regional Party?arian identity. The next two years will determine whether SAD’s story becomes one of revival—or a long chapter of decline in Punjab’s political history.