Punjab Outlook

I have long argued that Punjab’s emotional, historical and constitutional rights are being diluted piece by piece. Chandigarh too has been treated as a “settled” issue even though nothing has ever been settled. Sadly, the events of November 22–23, 2025 confirm this concern.

I had already warned about this in two earlier pieces. They explain why Chandigarh is not merely a piece of land but a symbol of Punjab’s identity and an unresolved injustice:
• If You Want to Defend Panjab University, Defend Punjab’s Soul — https://gpsmann.substack.com/p/if-you-want-to-defend-panjab-universitys?r=3598n2

• Anandpur Sahib Session and the Anandpur Sahib Resolution — https://gpsmann.substack.com/p/anandpur-sahib-session-and-anandpur?r=3598n2

On November 22, 2025, former IAS officer K.B.S. Sidhu revealed that the Centre had listed a Bill that would reclassify Chandigarh under Article 240. The next day, leading newspapers carried the same story and Punjab’s political circles erupted in “outrage”:

K.B.S. Sidhu’s note — https://substack.com/@kbssidhu/note/p-179618826?r=3598n2

The Bill effectively places Chandigarh in the same category as Union Territories run entirely by a Lieutenant Governor. This is not routine administration. It is reclassification, and it has long-term consequences. Each such step narrows the already-thin window for Punjab’s rightful claim.

And then came the predictable chorus. Congress, AAP, SAD, and even local BJP figures rushed to condemn the move. The decibel level was high. The emotions were loud.

But when the noise settles, a simple question remains:
Do they actually want Chandigarh back?

This is where Punjab’s politics becomes uncomfortable. Chandigarh is a city in which almost every powerful figure — across political parties, the bureaucracy, and even the judiciary — has deep stakes. Real estate, prime postings, the jurisdictional ambiguity of anti corruption agencies that protects many from scrutiny, and a lifestyle unmatched anywhere in the region have created a system that suits the elite perfectly.

When they issue statements today, they do so knowing fully well that nothing will change tomorrow. Their outrage is convenient — not courageous.

At the same time, the Centre’s strategy demands explanation. Why pick such emotionally sensitive issues — first Panjab University, now Chandigarh — so close to the 2027 elections? Is the BJP signalling that it has written off Punjab politically and now prioritises administrative control over electoral goodwill? Or is it testing how far it can go without provoking serious resistance from Punjab’s leadership?

This continuous pin-pricking is hard to understand and even harder to justify. Whatever the intent, it deepens mistrust and widens the emotional distance between Punjab and Delhi. Punjab has a long memory, and emotional wounds never heal quietly.

In this atmosphere, the upcoming Assembly session at Anandpur Sahib on November 24 becomes crucial. It is not just another location. Anandpur Sahib is the birthplace of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution — the first document that formally articulated Punjab’s rights over Chandigarh, river waters, language, and federal autonomy.

If there is any place where Punjab’s leadership should speak with one voice, it is here.
But will they?

Yes — they will make loud speeches. And that will be it.
Will the session deliver action, or will it repeat the same pattern of statements without strategy?

This moment demands seriousness:

First, political parties must accept that statements are not strategy. Chandigarh will not return to Punjab because someone tweeted a condemnation. A united, sustained, constitutional and political fight is needed.

Second, leaders must put aside their personal stakes. A political leader or bureaucrat who owns property in Chandigarh or enjoys the shield of UT administration cannot credibly claim to defend Punjab’s emotional rights — unless he is willing to act against his own convenience. And I have my doubts they will.

Third, parties must use the Anandpur Sahib session to rebuild consensus. A unanimous resolution asserting that Chandigarh’s status cannot be altered without Punjab’s consent is the minimum first step. AAP, especially, has an opportunity to revive the forgotten core agenda of the Akali Dal — and use it to its political advantage.

Fourth, the BJP must state its intent honestly. If these reforms are administrative, say so openly. If they are political, admit it. But these pin-pricks must stop. Punjab has suffered enough. The SYL agitation of the 1980s pushed the state into dark times. Do not repeat those mistakes. Do not push Punjab westward.

And fifth, Punjab’s public must learn to distinguish between noise and commitment. Real battles are fought in Parliament, in courts, and through sustained pressure — not in headlines. When justice is denied, youth become restless. Our history shows where that restlessness can lead.

Chandigarh was designed to be Punjab’s capital. Its separation was meant to be temporary. Seventy years later, temporary has been converted into permanent through silence, convenience and political failure. It is a betrayal — one that must be corrected, not endorsed.

If our leaders truly care about Punjab’s dignity, this is the time to prove it — not with louder statements, but with clearer resolve.

Chandigarh is slipping away quietly. And the tragedy is: many who hold power prefer it that way.