Punjab, long regarded as India’s frontier shield, once again stands at the centre of a serious national security challenge. But this time, the threat is not direct in the form of conventional warfare. It is unfolding as “hybrid war”—a coordinated strategy in which Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) is weaving together terrorism, criminal gangs, narcotics trafficking, arms supply, digital networks, and cross-border facilitation into a single web. The objective is not merely to spread violence, but to break public confidence, weaken law and order, mislead and recruit youth, and create an atmosphere of insecurity in a strategically important border state, thereby undermining India’s unity, internal stability, and security framework
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Punjab has faced such ISI-backed conspiracies before. The RPG attack on the Intelligence Headquarters in Mohali in May 2022, the attack on the Sarhali police station in Tarn Taran in December 2022, the Gurdaspur attack of 2015, and the Pathankot attack of 2016 had all exposed the dangers emanating from across the border. However, in the present phase, a significant shift has become visible. Recent incidents of violence make it clear that these are not isolated acts, but part of a larger and carefully orchestrated design. Instead of targeting only high-value military installations, hostile forces are now striking police establishments and local security structures in order to break police morale and shake public confidence.
The grenade attack on Bhindi Saidan police station in Amritsar on March 30, 2026, was one such important link in this chain. Before that, on February 22, 2026, two policemen were killed in Adhian village in Gurdaspur. These attacks were not merely assaults on buildings; they were attacks on the backbone of law and order itself.According to Punjab Police, all 24 grenade attack cases on security establishments have been solved and the responsible elements have been arrested. Some foreign handlers have also reportedly been deported. Investigations have further revealed that several modules were being operated by ISI-linked Shahzad Bhatti in coordination with Indian gangsters such as Jeshan Akhtar and Amandeep Singh alias Pannu. This is a deeply significant development, because the line between terrorism and gangsterism is increasingly becoming blurred.
On April 13, 2026, police arrested six accused linked to an ISI-backed module, who had allegedly been recruited with inducements of around Rs 4 lakh. This shows the essence of the strategy: low-cost, high-impact operations, where local youth are pushed to the front while external conspirators conceal their role behind them.
If one examines the developments of just the past twenty days, the seriousness of the situation becomes even more evident. On April 21, Amritsar Commissionerate Police recovered 7.050 kg of heroin from five accused linked to a cross-border narcotics trafficking network. On the same day, Hoshiarpur Police arrested four members of a drugs-and-arms trafficking gang and recovered 10 kg of heroin, two foreign-made pistols, and ammunition. On April 20, Amritsar Commissionerate Police arrested three accused and recovered six pistols and seven live cartridges. On April 18, the State Special Operation Cell (SSOC), Amritsar unit, of Counter Intelligence Punjab arrested two accused linked to a narco-terror network and recovered 64.62 kg of heroin.
On April 16, Counter Intelligence, in a joint operation with SSOC Amritsar and Mohali, arrested an accused linked to a Pakistan-backed cross-border terror module and recovered four hand grenades, two foreign-made pistols, and ammunition. In the same sequence of events, on April 5, Punjab Police’s Counter Intelligence Wing, in coordination with Chandigarh Police and Haryana Police, arrested two key accused involved in the Chandigarh grenade attack. Preliminary investigation revealed that one accused, Gurtej Singh, had come in contact with a foreign handler through social media nearly six months earlier. He was later directed by Baljot Singh alias Jot, based in Portugal, and Harjeet Singh alias Ladi, based in Germany, and was allegedly promised Rs 2 lakh for carrying out the attack. This case is particularly important because it demonstrates that the network of hybrid war is not confined to Pakistan alone; it is also being operated by anti-India elements based overseas.
On April 11, Batala Police arrested two accused linked to a cross-border narcotics and illegal arms network, recovering 6.5 kg of heroin, one .30 calibre pistol, six live cartridges, and Rs 1 lakh in drug money. On April 8, Amritsar Commissionerate Police arrested three accused and one juvenile linked to a cross-border arms trafficking module in the Attari sector and recovered seven sophisticated pistols, 12 live cartridges, and a motorcycle. On April 7, Kapurthala Police arrested four drug smugglers with 16.8 kg of heroin, which was meant to be transported from the border belt to Chandigarh. On April 6, Counter Intelligence Punjab arrested three accused belonging to an ISI-supported terror module and recovered two hand grenades and a foreign-made Glock pistol. On April 5, Amritsar Commissionerate Police arrested two accused involved in cross-border narcotics smuggling and recovered 4.13 kg of heroin. On April 2, Patiala Police arrested four accused belonging to an illegal arms supply module and recovered 10 modern self-loading firearms.
Similarly, forces such as Babbar Khalsa International (BKI) appear to be attempting a revival by creating fresh linkages with local gangsters. On April 9, Punjab Police, in a joint operation with central agencies, arrested two accused linked to an ISI-sponsored BKI module and recovered five hand grenades along with other deadly explosive material. This recovery clearly suggested preparations for high-impact attacks intended to disturb public peace. On April 10, Delhi Police arrested 11 individuals—eight from Punjab and three from Delhi—linked to BKI. They were allegedly conducting reconnaissance of military installations and had installed CCTV cameras at several places to collect and relay information regarding military movement to Pakistan.
The arrests in Amritsar, Hoshiarpur, Batala, Kapurthala, Patiala and other areas reveal even more disturbing facts. Investigations suggest that the accused were not only in contact with Pakistan-based smugglers, but in several cases were also directly linked to handlers based in Europe and Dubai, as well as operatives lodged inside prisons.
Under their instructions, arms and narcotics were being supplied across Punjab. These incidents make it clear that drugs and weapons trafficking are no longer separate crimes; they are now part of the same anti-national ecosystem.Investigations also revealed that some of the accused were in touch with Pakistan-based smugglers through social media and were supplying cross-border weapons to criminal elements across Punjab. This indicates that social media is no longer merely a platform of propaganda; it has become a terrorist tool for recruitment, training, direction, and networking. Digital surveillance and infrastructure mapping have also entered this ecosystem. Drones, smuggling channels, and border routes are no longer being used only for narcotics, but also for the movement of weapons, explosive material, and sensitive information. Drug trafficking is no longer just about illegal profit; it has become a source of financial support for terrorism.
The fact that the terror module involved in the attack on the BJP office in Chandigarh was operating under the instructions of foreign handlers also shows that the targets are not limited to security institutions alone—political institutions too are being drawn into the range of such hostile designs. Together, these elements reveal the existence of a much larger network.
The rise of narco-terror networks is especially alarming. Drugs are no longer just a source of profit; they have become a means to finance terrorism. Gangster networks are increasingly providing logistical support and local facilitation. In this way, the dividing line between terrorism and organised crime is steadily disappearing.
Punjab today faces three major challenges. First, attempts are being made to revive terror and Khalistani modules. Second, narcotics and illegal arms trafficking are being used to build a shadow criminal-terror economy. Third, local gangsters are being used to carry out targeted killings. The convergence of these three trends is what constitutes the structure of hybrid war.
Perhaps the most troubling dimension of this challenge is the recruitment of youth. Unemployment, drug abuse, the lure of quick money, and the glamourisation of gangster culture have trapped some young people in this web. In some cases, even juveniles have reportedly been used. This is not just a law-and-order concern; it is a grave social crisis. If drugs hollow out the body, hybrid war hollows out the state from within.
What is needed today is a response that goes beyond police action alone. This challenge must be met through a comprehensive, multi-dimensional, and long-term strategy. That includes stronger border security, action against narco-money and hawala networks, drone and digital surveillance, employment and awareness for youth, and above all, social cooperation. The response to hybrid war must itself be hybrid—an organised counter-strategy across the domains of security, society, economy, and psychology.
The truth is that Punjab’s border belt has now become a theatre of hybrid war—where drones, narcotics, weapons, gangsters, and ISI-backed networks are all at play. The government will have to act firmly, but also work simultaneously at the social and economic levels. Yet, there is another truth just as strong: Punjab is not merely a border state—it is one of India’s strongest shields. Any attempt to weaken this shield must be answered with unity and national resolve.
To destabilise Punjab is to weaken India. And Punjab’s unity, alertness, and national commitment remain the strongest answer to that conspiracy.
(Prof. Sarchand Singh Khiala, Spokesperson, Punjab BJP)
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